Circumventing the Constitution: Congress can do better

March 19, 2010Kelly Ayotte

It looks like nothing – not even the U.S. Constitution – will stop Democrats from trying to takeover health care.

When it became clear that they didn’t have enough votes to pass their legislation under ordinary rules, they first turned to an obscure tactic known as “budget reconciliation.” Created during the Nixon administration, this procedural tool was intended to provide a way for lawmakers to modify spending programs. Rarely used over the past few decades, reconciliation appeals to Democrats now because measures considered under the procedure require only 51 votes in the Senate for passage – not the usual 60 that are required to end debate.

But Democrats in the House are so worried about voting for the Senate bill’s “Cornhusker Kickback,” “Louisiana Purchase” and Florida “GatorAid” buy-offs that they’re ready to write new rules just to avoid taking a stand on these shameless giveaways. At a time when Americans need real leadership, Democrats are looking for legislative loopholes to avoid being held accountable for this package of backroom deals.

Essentially, the House is looking to “deem” the Senate bill as “passed” by approving a separate measure that makes changes to the underlying legislation – without it ever becoming law first. A recorded House vote on the controversial bill would never actually be taken.

Sounds un-Constitutional, doesn’t it?

From our civics classes, we all know that both houses of Congress must approve a bill before it’s sent to the President. Article I, Section 7 of the Constitution clearly spells out that straightforward process. And to ensure that lawmakers are held accountable, the Senate and House are required to record how their members vote.

It should surprise no one that the Democrats’ takeover of health care, secured with sweetheart deals for wavering Senators, will ultimately be decided in Congress’ back rooms. But that doesn’t make it any more acceptable.

And as if a $1 trillion government takeover of health care doesn’t grow government fast enough, the Democrat leadership on Capitol Hill is ready to include a reorganization of student loans in the broader legislation. The rationale for this move couldn’t be clearer: Democrats know that once they ram their massive health care overhaul through Congress, they will have no credibility left with the American people. Passing the remainder of their liberal agenda will be impossible.

Closed-door meetings. Special agreements negotiated outside the public view. Political pay-offs for votes. Incomprehensible legislative maneuvering. Stuffing new policies into completely unrelated bills. These moves represent the politics of the past – and they’re a major reason why Americans have lost confidence in government.

Paul Hodes refuses to tell New Hampshire where he stands on the House leadership’s parliamentary hijinks. And he’s flat wrong for wanting to takeover health care through reconciliation, a tactic that shouldn’t be abused to advance a bill that the majority of New Hampshire residents don’t want. It doesn’t take a Congressional parliamentarian to understand that major legislation to effectively reshape 17% of our economy should be considered under normal rules and in full public view. By short-circuiting the process, Democrats are admitting that they don’t have the necessary popular backing for their plan. Even worse, they don’t care.

Upending standard procedure and circumventing the Constitution to muscle through this legislative hodge-podge is more than just bad policy. It’s a throw-back to old-fashioned machine-style politics that Democrats promised to end.

Congress can begin to restore public confidence by hitting the reset button on the entire health care debate. By starting with a clean sheet, we can take an incremental approach to reform focused on ideas that don’t add trillions of dollars to our already out of control national debt. That’s what the American people want. And when I sit down at the negotiating table, I’ll be fighting for common sense solutions – like tort reform and allowing for the purchase of insurance across state lines – that can be voted on without trampling the Constitution.

Kelly Ayotte, of Nashua, is New Hampshire’s former Attorney General. She is a Republican candidate for U.S. Senate.

Kelly Ayotte

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7 Responses to “Circumventing the Constitution: Congress can do better”

  1. Author

    Kelly,

    Just look at your own experience of disregarding the State Constitution to steal private property.

    Perhaps the legislators in Washington are simply looking at your own example?

    It’s a little embarrassing and ironic that your blog post appears with an ad detailing your hypocrisy just off to the side.

    http://www.handsoffnh.com/

    - Atlas

  2. Author

    Sorry, General Ayotte, the Senate’s 60-vote rule is NOT in the constitution. In fact the Constitution stipulates that a simple majority is all that is needed to pass a bill in both House of the Congress.

    Moreover, the vote which is coming up in a couple of days is in the House. The House will be technically concurring with a Senate vote from Christmas Eve 2009 which actually DID have a 60% supermajority. The earlier Senate vote was a little more than 60%, since one Senator (who was opposed) didn’t vote.

  3. Author

    Yes but Tim, they aren’t actually voting on the bill. They are simply deeming that is passed while voting on the rule for how the House should handle the bill. Pure procedural slight of hand.

    Also, you seem to forget that the Constitution stipulates that “Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings…” (Art I, Sect. 4) So the Senate says we need 60 votes to end debate, then that is within their rights to do so.

  4. Author

    A majority of the Senate still wants the “Senate bill” to be passed. All 59 of the current Senators who voted Yes are still in favor. It would be one thing if there had been 10 seats which had flipped parties thanks to special elections, but there was in fact only one seat which flipped. And even that Senator did not run as a highly partisan Republican, although he certainly is a Republican, nor did he run as a rightwinger. Scott Brown ran as a moderate.

    It is not unconstitutional to pass even a major bill which is favored by a 59-41 majority in the Senate.

  5. Author

    I think the details of and discussion about deeming and reconciliation and procedure is the eqivalent of an ivory-tower discussion that whips up the spindoctors among thos deeply involved in the political processes…but to the average Joe on the Streets, its a bunch of childish politics-as-usual, with no winners on either side.

    What the public is going to remember is Christmas Eve votes, midnight sessions, Sunday sessions, and a barage of commercials, news, and campaign-style speeches peppering every evenings TV watching…and the subsequent confusion and unintended consequences resulting from a Bill understood by no one.

    The anger and disgust on the ground is PALPABLE, on all sides.

  6. Author

    P.S. – For all who value Purity over Pragmatism..given the health care bill fiasco taking place…aren’t you sorry you ran Dede Scozzafava out on a rail?

  7. Author

    I went to an event in Portsmouth which was originally scheduled to be a talk by Doris “Granny D” Haddock and which became a tribute to her. (I felt a little bad for Peter Bearse who was an old friend of hers and who was the only Republican at a Democratic event. But he remained good-natured and even did a little campaigning.) We saw a film made about her walk across the nation which culminated in the McCain-Feingold Act— which somehow got rammed down the American people’s throats even though McCain & Feingold could only get— gasp! oh no!!– 59 Senate votes out of 100 for their bill. Not 60: 59!

    That particular bill did prove to be of questionable constitutionality— but oddly no one has complained about the backroom machinations and parliamentary maneuvers which were used to get this bill passed when it was one vote short of the magic 60%.

  8.  

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